Download Sejna - We Will Bury You - The Soviet Plan for the Subversion of the West by the Highest Ranking Communist Ever to Defect (1982) PDF

TitleSejna - We Will Bury You - The Soviet Plan for the Subversion of the West by the Highest Ranking Communist Ever to Defect (1982)
TagsNikita Khrushchev Joseph Stalin Communist Party Of The Soviet Union Soviet Union International Politics
File Size1.0 MB
Total Pages198
Document Text Contents
Page 99


When Brezhnev smiles he looks as if he wants to bite you. This is his
Party smile, and I don't think anybody outside his family has seen him
give any other. Soon after his rise to power, one of our Soviet advisers
described him to me as 'a typical middle-grade cadre', and many in the
Soviet Union who knew him used to say frankly that he was a mediocre
man, not fit for the highest position. Certainly he lacks the imagination
and the common touch of Khrushchev. He has taken great care to
surround himself with the trappings of the Party apparatus, though his
personal power has become more naked recently.

He was more convivial in the days before his elevation to Party First
Secretary. I have already mentioned his affair with the wife of Rudolph
Barak, our Minister of the Interior, who was arrested for embezzlement.
Barak had condoned the relationship because he thought it would help
his political career, but even Brezhnev, as Khrushchev's Deputy, was
unable to arrange a release. Brezhnev is very fond of vodka, and of
Pilsen beer, which we used to send him direct to Moscow. He also loves
Western clothes, though he takes care to preserve on public occasions
the drab appearance considered appropriate for Communist political
leaders. Whenever he came to Prague, the Director of our Politburo
shop - where the elite could buy luxuries unavailable to lesser men -
would have to fly to Italy and West Germany before his arrival, to lay in
a special stock for him. Brezhnev always demanded shirts and socks; if
he requested anything else, my friend the Director had to fly
immediately to Germany or Italy and bring it back for him.


Page 100


Brezhnev does not believe, as Khrushchev did, in the promotion of
technocrats within the Party. He insists that the role of the Party cadres
must be to form the ideological vanguard. The 'realistic' leadership
which he proclaimed in his opening speech to the 25th Party Congress
in February 1976 is based essentially on the premise that the ideological
struggle with Capitalism is paramount. The Soviet Union must take all
it can from the West, but it must secure its frontiers against the
infiltration of bourgeois ideology. There must be no internal
liberalization, and no concessions to 'personal or family socialism' —
i.e. to those who work for higher living standards for themselves rather
than for the progress of Communism. Brezhnev-expects 'educated
Marxists' to understand why it is necessary to make temporary sacrifices
to build up the military power of the Soviet bloc. He is the most
chauvinist and bigoted Russian nationalist I have ever met.

Peaceful co-existence or detente does not, in Brezhnev's view, mean
a relaxation of vigilance — rather the reverse. It requires the Soviet
Union to achieve military supremacy over its opponents. Brezhnev has
adopted one of Stalin's slogans: 'The more successful Communism is,
the stronger the Soviet camp must become.'

The Soviet leader is careful, even aggressive, in protecting Eastern
Europe from disruptive Western influences. Khrushchev's statement
after Hungary that leaders in Eastern Europe had sufficient experience
and were strong enough not to need Soviet protection and advice was
always viewed by the Soviet Party with the deepest mistrust, and of
course it was totally discredited by events in Prague. The Soviet
invasion of Czechoslovakia and the doctrine of 'limited sovereignty'
were inspired by Brezhnev's alarm over the demoralizing effect of
detente on his allies. The Soviet Party believed Khrushchev allowed
power over the satellites to slip through his fingers; Brezhnev is
determined to keep a much tighter rein.

Brezhnev believes that the only way for Communism to triumph is
by the destruction of Capitalism. He relies on superpower diplomacy
and subversion, backed by overwhelming military power, to give the
Soviet Union and its allies the greatest flexibility in its relations with the
Capitalists. Detente offers Brezhnev the means of carving up the
Western powers piece by piece. Europe is the keystone of this policy,
but it has world-wide ramifications as well. The stages involved in


Page 197


distance between us and the Italian frontier station. The guard told me
to join him inside with my papers.

It was already 2 p.m. and the hunt for me must have started in
Prague. The guard inspected our passports.

'These are not valid for entry into Italy," he pronounced. 'They
require a special permit from the Czech Government.'

Fear spurred me to a fine show of anger.
'Are you an employee,' I demanded in my most sarcastic tone, 'of the

Czech or of the Yugoslav Government? I am a Czech Member of
Parliament, and I refuse to be treated in this way! I'll telephone the
Czech Ambassador in Belgrade, who is a friend of mine, and complain
about your behaviour.' He was not impressed.

'Calm down,' he said, 'and don't give me any of that baloney. I know
the regulations. I'm going to talk with my superior.'

They both retired to a side room, where I could hear them
telephoning for instructions. I was pouring with sweat, but I tried to
keep my expression calm. 'This is it,' I thought, 'they'll be calling Prague
and that will be the end.'

I was ready to use the gun I was carrying, if there was no other way.
If the Czechs caught me and took me back to Prague, they would
execute me at once, and I would be lucky if it was quick.

They kept me there for half an hour, the longest half-hour of my life.
I could not understand what they were saying, but they had plenty of
time to contact Prague. What almost drove me out of my mind was the
sight of Jan and Evgenia in the car making faces at me through the
window. They were still treating the whole affair as a splendid laugh.
They did not know, as I did, that if we failed now their lives would be

At last the station chief emerged from the side room, and gave an
order to his subordinate to stamp our passports. With my legs almost
folding under me I rejoined Jan and Evgenia in the car. They were still
laughing and hugging each other. The Italian guards, having seen our
difficulties with the Yugoslavs, thought they had better hold us up as
well. They delayed us for another twenty minutes while they searched
the car thoroughly and tried to grill us about our papers - although,
since we had no language in common, this last was a bit of a farce.
Eventually they wrote in our passports that we were Bulgarians, and
allowed us to go on to Trieste.

When we reached Trieste our most immediate problem was to find


Similer Documents